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Until the Ukrainian sailors return home, it is too early to believe that the incident near the Kerch Strait has been completely settled. We call on the authorities to hold direct negotiations with the Russian Federation about immediate release of detained and convicted Ukrainian seamen on the basis of mutual legal assistance agreements between the two states. Instead of making excuses and finding those to blame, we need to find compromise with the Russian side on the existing problem. This is the only way to return our guys, and President Poroshenko is personally responsible for their fate.

It is important to say that the hysteria with the imposition of martial law without sufficient legal grounds, which followed the incident, is a disgrace and a desperate attempt by the President to remain in power at any cost. The one who, in fact, sent our sailors into captivity, is now giving interviews here and there, having forgotten about the main task that is the return of the crews of Ukrainian ships. Well, it is no wonder. Poroshenko’s regime needs a never-ending flow of “Kremlin's prisoners” to remain on the agenda of anti-Russian sanctions and to be in the focus of world media's attention. 

Yesterday’s voting in the Verkhovna Rada on imposing the martial law showed the utter defeat of Petro Poroshenko. He failed to implement his original plan and establish a dictatorship in the country, to limit the effect of the Constitution and cancel or postpone the presidential elections. Judging by how the issue was voted, the very idea of ​​martial law becomes nonsense and mockery of the “strategic genius” of people from the President’s closest circle.

Instead of 60 days of martial law country-wide (which would lead to an automatic postponement of presidential elections for an indefinite period), the Verkhovna Rada approved martial law in the “soft” format – for 30 days in 10 regions with a clear prescription to hold the presidential elections on 31 March. The presidential team was so sure that its version would be resignedly accepted by MPs that even before the vote they had given the original text of the Presidential Decree for publishing. Today the country could see in surprise how “Uryadovyi Kuryer” was released with the document that was not amended. Petro Poroshenko suffered the largest political setback.

Last Tuesday, I was highly honoured to be elected as the head of the Opposition Bloc party's faction in the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine.

I want to assure both my colleagues and our fellow party members and supporters that I will do everything to justify this high credit of confidence.

I would also like to comment on the events that accompanied my election, namely, the expulsion of two MPs from the faction.

I would like to say that the Opposition Bloc is not just two or even forty-three MPs. The Opposition Bloc, first, means thousands of people's deputies at all levels across the country. These are tens of thousands of party members and millions of our voters and supporters. Therefore, the departure of several deputies from the faction is not a tragedy for the political force.

Indeed, it is very difficult to part with people with whom a certain stage of your life has passed, especially the one that is as challenging as the last four years. However, I reiterate that no tragedy has happened for the Opposition Bloc political party.

From a report in the press and on the NACP (National Agency on Corruption Prevention) website, I learned that it is about the fact that in my 2015 and 2016 declarations I did not indicate the cost of the premises that I rent and in which my reception office is located, as well as the value of shares in some companies. The Agency sees "signs of a criminal offense" in this.

I know that I filled the declaration in full compliance with the requirements of the legislation, and I regard the statement by the NACP about revealing "signs of a criminal offense" as a continuation of the authorities’ unlawful pressure on a political opponent. Moreover, in this case, representatives of the Agency demonstrate complete incompetence, “creatively” construing their own recommendations. 

The declaration lists all the companies whose shares I own directly and in which I am the beneficiary, including registration numbers, addresses and the number of shares that belong to me. Information about the ownership of shares has been declared by me for many years in a row, during my entire tenure as an MP. Anyone can verify this by reading my declaration on the NACP website.